Senator Olubunmi Adetunmbi represented Ekiti-North federal constituency in the Seventh Senate. In this interview with OLUSOLA FABIYI, he speaks on the National Assembly crisis
Do you really think there is a plot by the North against Yoruba on political positions?
It is too early to talk about break of mutual trust in the North and the South-West relations. The Federal Government has barely taken off; the cabinet is not in place, there are no major appointments, or disagreement on sensitive national policy that could be said to be a basis for this alleged conflict. I think it exists only in the imagination or historical prejudices of the framers. Giving an ethnic coloration to what appears to me by the party is not helpful. Raising alarm can only weaken our party and inadvertently lead to the resurrection of the PDP.
We all must, therefore, refrain from inflammatory statements that can send wrong signals that can rupture the understanding that produced the historic defeat of PDP’s 16 years of divisive rule. I am not aware of any consultative gathering of APC stakeholders in the South-West where the resolution was passed for anyone to say any thing on behalf of the region. Neither do I know any consultation concerning any decisions regarding the South-West since the emergence of President Muhammadu Buhari as candidate and indeed after his election. I think this crisis has taught us that the managers of the party in the South-West must begin to call meetings to deliberate on emerging issues as it affects the South-West.
What is your reaction to the emergence of Ike Ekweremadu as deputy senate president being a member of the opposition?
Ekweremadu’s emergence is not normal. It is without precedence and quite novel in a negative kind of way. It’s a case of expediency on the part of the PDP and that of morality and ethical choice on the part of Ike Ekweremadu. While a party can get away with this opportunistic choice, unfortunately, it is not so for Ekweremadu who, in the future may have to explain the reasons behind his choice. We got along very well in the 7th Senate and I respect his calm demeanour and sense of balance whenever he presided in the absence of the former Senate President, David Mark. I am quite surprised that he couldn’t foresee the controversy he has enmeshed himself and further surprised us that his aberrant election as deputy senate president was meant to give the South-East a fair share in an electoral dividends in which the region made a dismal investment. I never realised that there were these parts to his charm and gentlemanly mien.
Who do we blame for this, would you expect him to resign and join his party to play the role of a true opposition?
There is no blame game here. But for every choice one makes, one must be ready to live with the consequences. There is no point for him asking anyone to leave him alone. I wonder how comfortable he feels being the only PDP senator sitting on the majority side of the aisle. Should he resign? I think only he and his party can answer that question.
What does the APC stand to lose in Ekweremadu’s emergence and what does the PDP stand to gain?
Apart from acting as Senate President when Senator Bukola Saraki is absent, the APC has lost an opportunity to head the ECOWAS parliament, to sit on the chair of the institute for legislative studies and to chair the constitution review committee of the 8th senate. We also have the unpleasant burden of answering the question of how this happened.
Your party failed to zone offices in the National Assembly, would you say this was responsible for the crisis over the emergence of the principal officers of the National Assembly and the loss of party supremacy?
I agree that it could have saved us the trouble if the positions were zoned and left to the regional caucuses to decide who to nominate rather than the controversial option.
The party is the only platform to get elected for political office. To that extent, the party is supreme but should not be divine. It is normal and expected of any party to influence the leaders of its parliamentary caucuses so the APC was right in that aspiration. The point of departure is the method of achieving the aspiration. I think this is what happened during the election of the principal officers of the Senate and House of Representatives. In my opinion, the party should not have acted in an open manner, but should have initiated an underground lobby and persuasion. In 2011, the National Assembly caucus leaders were selected without any shadow elections and there was no brickbat and the party had its way. The Senate is a chamber of elders and, therefore, the method of choosing its leadership should have been different from the style adopted. We probably could have achieved a win-win result devoid of crisis, if a consultative method was adopted.
There are complaints that President Buhari’s government is slow and needs to move with speed and action.
Change does not necessarily mean speed; sometimes it could actually mean deceleration. I hold the view that not all urgent matters are important so I believe that Buhari is taking his time to deal with important issues. Unfortunately, it appears that Nigerians run on an urgency paradigm which explains our hurry in everything, from jumping queues to the get-rich-quick syndrome.
It is almost becoming a Nigerian culture to be impatient. If Buhari had been sacking and appointing people with immediate effect, some people would say he’s suffering from a military hangover. Now that he is taking measured steps to walk the minefield left behind by former President Goodluck Jonathan, they call him “Baba go slow.” It is wrong. How true is Ebenezer Obey’s philosophical story of father, son and his mule. The bottom line is that you cannot please the world. I think Buhari should stay on his plan and make sure that the public is adequately informed to reduce the rumor mill.
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