Niyi Akinnaso
The coronation of the new Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, as Ojaja II, at the Palace Square on Monday, December 7, 2015, marked yet another renewal of the Ife monarchy. The coronation was topped by the presentation of the staff of office to the Ooni by the Governor of Osun State, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola.
Beyond the pomp and pageantry, the event raises many unresolved issues about the nature, structure, and future of the Nigerian state. The coexistence of a republic and multiple monarchies within the same state borders speaks loudly to a major contradiction in search of a resolution. The contradiction is realised today in terms of a conflict between traditional and modern political systems. How best could both systems be made to work together?
Our pretend solution to the conflict is evident in the presentation of the staff of office to a new monarch by the relevant state governor. But this in itself only perpetuates the subjugation of the monarchy to the modern political system, which began in colonial times. This pretend solution was evident at Ile-Ife on Monday, where the federal and state systems were amply represented at the Ooni’s coronation by various categories of officials, ranging from the Vice-President, Yemi Osinbajo, and federal legislators to state governors and state legislators.
Yet, the commingling of federal and state officials with traditional rulers on the same stage during the coronation was nothing but theatre as the monarchy is not recognised in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Since there is no constitutional recognition for monarchs, their legal existence is buried in oral tradition, local rituals, Intelligence Reports by the colonial government, old gazettes, reports of enquiries, and court proceedings. Sometimes, these sources are conflicting, leading to conflicting claims to the throne, especially where there are multiple ruling houses, as in Ile-Ife.
This leads to another major problem, namely, the exploitation of the monarchy by the modern political system due to a lack of precise constitutional functions. This has created room for politicians to prey on the monarchs, especially during the struggle for the throne, during major crises, when their advice and cooperation are solicited, if not coerced, and during campaigns, when their assistance and votes are canvassed. This has made it very difficult for most monarchs to maintain their independence from the government in power.
The exploitation of the monarchy is not limited to politicians. In recent years, we have witnessed a different kind of exploitation by Igbo migrants seeking to tap into the local powers of the monarchy, by crowning their leaders as Eze Ndigbo, a development which has generated conflict in many communities, especially in Yorubaland.
Once in a while, some monarchs try to invert the power relationship between them and politicians by awarding chieftaincy titles to politicians and businessmen, without regard to their state or ethnic group of origin. At other times, other monarchs seek to extend their own powers by crowning some local chiefs– Olu and Baale in Yorubaland – who are supposed to be subservient to the supreme monarch or paramount ruler in the kingdom. Occasionally, however, some of the pseudo monarchs grow wings and seek independence from the larger kingdom!
Yet another problem is the financial maintenance of the monarchy, which now falls largely on the shoulders of state and local governments. The downturn in the economic fortunes of these state institutions has meant that many monarchs have had to look inwards and generate the resources needed to finance their monarchies. This has turned many a monarch to lobbyists and contractors. Those who came to the throne as businessmen seek ways of using the monarchy as leverage to enlarge their businesses.
That’s why, today, those who seek the throne are often wealthy individuals, who can use their wealth to finance the throne. That was the case with the late Ooni, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, who was rated as the third richest monarch in Africa. The present Ooni, Oba Ogunwusi, is also a wealthy person, which leads to an important suggestion: The need for the new Ooni to avoid the criticism levelled against his predecessor, namely, the lack of visible development of Ife town, despite Oba Sijuwade’s stupendous wealth.
True, Oba Ogunwusi has already embarked on some projects in the town, the management of his coronation was not a particularly good omen. It was not clear whether the venue of the event was inappropriate or the number of invitation cards was not properly tracked or people found themselves into the venue, who were not invited. What I witnessed recalls the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, where there are always more people than seats, with touts and miscreants crowding the place. The Palace Square was equally crowded, and the event hall was stuffy. As a result of these shortcomings, many people left the hall before the event was concluded, while others didn’t bother to enter the venue at all or go into the reception hall for the banquet.
The manning of the entrance gates to the Palace Square and the event hall were a disaster as monarchs and other dignitaries were pushed and shoved at both gates. What I experienced at Ife during the coronation also happened at the gala night during the inauguration of President Muhammadu Buhari, where the two entrances were jammed owing to poor handling by the security operatives. A similar problem is often experienced on our roadways, where motorists create nonexistent lanes in order to bypass other drivers, thus causing a traffic jam.
These observations are indicative of the unorganised nature of the Nigerian state, its institutions, and its economy. Clearly, they call for a sober reflection and serious work of reconstruction. Some of the solutions are found in the report of the 2014 National Conference, which is why it is important to revisit it. As for the monarchy, nothing could be better than some constitutional recognition, if not full absorption into the modern political system.
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